S he spun a story the world wanted to believe: a self-made billionaire who had risen in a male-dominated business world in an African country ravaged by civil war and poverty. Wearing her trademark black blazer at the London Business School, the year-old chairwoman told a packed audience that leaders should be chosen on their merits. That over the years he had awarded her companies public contracts, tax breaks, telecom licenses and diamond-mining rights. And that even as she spoke to the crowd of aspiring entrepreneurs, she was paving the way for one of her most brazen insider deals — the payment of tens of millions of dollars from the state oil monopoly to a company in Dubai controlled by her business partner. Based on more than , confidential financial and business records and hundreds of interviews, Luanda Leaks offers a case study of a growing global problem: Thieving rulers, often called kleptocrats, and their family members and associates are moving ill-gotten public money to offshore secrecy jurisdictions, often with the help of prominent Western firms. From there, the money is used to buy up properties, businesses and other valuable assets, or it is simply hidden away, safe from tax authorities and criminal investigators. Public corruption drags down economies, erodes faith in democracy and diverts money that could otherwise be spent on hospitals, schools and roads. Transparency International rates Angola as one of the most corrupt countries in the world.
Adults and children
Protestors demonstrating in Americus, Georgia, were arrested and held in the Leesburg Stockade without beds or sanitary facilities, In , a year-old enslaved black woman named Celia killed the white man who owned her and was trying to rape her. The legal and social double standard that allowed white men to commit sexual violence against black women with impunity, while the most baseless fear of sexual contact between a black man and white woman resulted in deadly violence, continued after emancipation. Nearly one in four black people lynched from to were accused of improper contact with a white woman. Later, capital punishment for rape also was reserved for black defendants with white victims. In Virginia, all 58 people executed for rape between and were black men, although white men were convicted of rape in that period.
Sara Baartman, called "Saartjie" the diminutive form , was born in in the Camdeboo valley in the eastern part of the Cape Colony. It is commonly thought she was born in the Gamtoos valley, but she moved there with her family only years after her birth. Sara Baartman spent four years on stage in England and Ireland. Early on, her treatment on the Piccadilly stage caught the attention of British abolitionists, who argued that her performance was indecent and that she was being forced to perform against her will. Ultimately, the court ruled in favour of her exhibition after Dunlop produced a contract made between himself and Baartman. It is doubtful that this contract was valid: it was probably produced for the purposes of the trial. Baartman also moved to Manchester , where she was baptised as Sarah Bartmann.
This data story presents key characteristics from the Global Victim Dataset of approximately 3, victims exploited in Africa. Most data is shown at the regional level, and there are some key statistics for the ten countries within the region where the largest amount of data is present. The subset mainly comprises data from IOM's counter trafficking activities, and therefore some data is largely reflective of IOM's programming within the region. Regions and sub-regions are defined according to the official UN classification. Over half of victims exploited in Africa are victims of trafficking for labour exploitation, while around a fifth are victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation.